IAS２ 国際ワークショップ「ムスリム地域における民衆と民衆運動」報告 (午後セッション及び総合討論）
11月26日（日） 京都外国語大学
発表者
見市建（神戸大学大学院、日本学術振興会特別研究員）"Emergence of Islamic Left? The Involvement of Young Nahdatul Ulama in Social Movements in Indonesia"
「イスラーム左派の出現？インドネシア、ナフダトゥル・ウラマー若年層の社会活動」
Tarek Chehidi（上智大学大学院）
"The Tunisian Labor Movement in the Writings of al-Tahir al-Haddad"
「al-Tahir al-Haddadの著作にみるチュニジアの労働運動」
Hayati Nizar（The State Institute for Islamic Studies, Imam Bonjol, Indonesia）
"Islam and Democracy: The NGO Movement in West Sumatra"
「イスラームと民主主義−西スマトラにおけるＮＧＯ運動から」
見市建氏は、インドネシア最大の伝統的イスラーム組織であるナフダトゥル・ウラマー（以下NU）のネットワーク下にイスラーム左派を自称する若者が誕生した背景、および彼らの活動について発表した。NUの伝統的活動拠点であるプサントレンを営む伝統的ウラマーと異なり、これらの若いNUメンバーは、1960年代以降の非ウラマーNU指導者の活動を引き継ぎながら、イスラーム左派という言葉や思想を積極的に用い、プサントレンのネットワークを利用した社会活動の重要性を訴えている。
Tarek Chehidi氏は、al-Tahir al-Haddadの著作にみられる、チュニジアにおける初の組織化された民衆運動としての労働運動の誕生、そこでのal-Haddad自身の功績について発表した。彼以前の知識人と異なり、al-HaddadおよびMuhammad Ali Hammiは労働者と知識人の共闘を謳い、例えば1924年に起こった港湾労働者のストライキにおいて労働者支援を積極的に行い、これがきっかけとなりチュニジア初の労働者の全国組織（チュニジア労働者連盟）が誕生した。このようなal-Haddadらによる労働運動を通しての知識人と労働者の共闘は、チュニジアの民衆運動史におけるパラダイムとなった。
Hayati Nizar氏は、西スマトラ、ミナンカバウにおけるNGO史を発表した。ミナンカバウにはスラウと呼ばれる伝統的な信仰の場があり、コミュニティ活動もまたスラウを中心に行われている。氏はこのスラウでの活動を、ミナンカバウにおける広義のNGO活動であると位置付ける。西スマトラの民衆運動は、スラウという伝統的なイスラーム実践の場を中心に行われたため自治性を維持することが比較的可能であった。蘭植民地下においては、教育によるエンパワーメントをめざす組織がつくられた。インドネシア独立後、政府による介入により組織の自治は打撃を受けたが、スハルト政権崩壊以降、より多くの組織の誕生と活発な活動が期待される。
発表を受けての宮治一雄氏のコメントでは、見市氏に対しては、スハルトへの政権の移行やスハルトの対イスラーム勢力政策がNUの活動に与えた影響について、またChehidi氏に対しては、チュニジアの独立運動やフランスの労働運動とチュニジア労働運動との関連が指摘された。また、プサントレンやスラウなど土地に根ざしたイスラーム実践の場が、民衆運動の場所としての役割を新しく付与されながらムスリムの生活に重要な役割を持ちつづけていることが確認された。
16時15分−17時20分 総合討論
総合討論では、民衆という語、その定義について再び議論が及んだ。そして「民衆」（people）という語が常にイデオロギー性を帯びていること、さらには、この語の使用が内部の差異を隠蔽する、すなわち本来多様な存在である人々を匿名のものにする効果をもつことが確認された。そしてそれをふまえた上で民衆及び民衆運動を研究することは、イスラーム学・歴史学、地域研究双方の重要な課題であるとされた。
最後にModjtaba Sadria氏は、政治過程から排除されている多くの人々を民衆としたうえで、ムスリム社会においては民衆の異議申し立ての参照枠がイスラームでありつづけていること、また、国家が人々の生活空間を隅々まで囲い込むことを試みている現代においては、民衆の異議申し立てが政治的なものになる傾向があることを指摘した。さらに、国家からの介入を退けながら民衆がアイデンティティを再解釈できる分野として芸術を挙げ、これに注目した研究の必要性を指摘した。（作成：辰巳頼子さん）
Emergence of Islamic Left? : The Involvement of Young Nahdlatul Ulama in Social Movements in Indonesia
Ken MIICHI (JSPS Research Fellow, Ph.D Student of Kobe University)International Workshop People and Popular Movements in Muslim Areas
Kyoto University of Foreign Studies, 25-26 November 2000
(working draft, not for citation!)
Introduction
This paper will mainly discuss young activists of Indonesian Nahdlatul Ulama and their involvement in social movements since 1970s. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), meaning the awakening of religious scholar, is the biggest traditional Islamic organization in Indonesia. It consists mainly of ulama that teach and manage pesantren, or Islamic boarding schools, and the surrounding community members mostly from rural Java. NU claims a membership of more than 30 million in all of Indonesia. In the 1970s, there were some anthropological works on NU which dealt with the pesantren and its community. More recently, there are several research which deal with NU as a political actor in the context of national politics. This paper defers to both of them. The author will focus on a few individuals and small NU-related organizations, not the NU organization as a whole. That is because one understands the NU as follows. The NU as an organization had a political party in the 1970s, but it shifted to social activities in the mid-1980s. These changes were then lead by urban, intellectual, and non-ulama "young NUs" (Anak muda NU). These "active intellectuals" had been organized organically and were different from the traditional ulama. NU changed its formal policy after these individual acts by themselves or by making small independent groups. Among NU related or even Islam related organizations in Indonesia, NGOs which formally do not have relation with NU but are emotionally involved are most active in socially and intellectually. Although this paper hopes to contribute to the study of NU, it has a wider aim. This paper will discuss how young rural-born Muslim activists, or those who stand in between the intellectual urban sphere and the traditional rural communities, construct their thoughts and conduct their activities in rapid-changing modern Indonesia.
In the 1960s, a few non-ulama young urban NUs emerged as leading figures of anti -Soekarno and the anti-Communist student movement. In the latter half of 1990s, there were many NU-related NGO activists who had books of leftist and post-structuralism on their left hand, and shake hands with various kinds of social movements with their right hand. But what is more instructive here is what and who made them change. Leftist thought is one of them. Leftists in Indonesia have been politically in the periphery, but as a set of thought, it has always had significant influence. The leftists not only brought them a different world view and ideas; i.e. class-based analysis, false-consciousness, war of position etc., but also skills to initiate action; i.e. how to organize movements, more meaningful ways to express themselves, etc. As implied above, the author includes not only Socialism and Communism as leftist thought but also the various forms of Marxist-inspired thought and movements; i.e. "new left," "new social movement," post-Marxism and post-structuralism and so on. In addition, "the Islamic Left" in Middle East, inspired by both Arabic Socialism and the Iranian Revolution, also influenced the young Indonesian active intellectuals.
This paper will be organized as follows. First, a Muslim and Socialist-based student and intellectual group in 1960s will be briefly described as a prelude. In this group, traditionalist Muslims emerged as urban student and intellectual leaders for the first time. Subchan ZE, who played an outstanding role among them, will be focused. Next, the discussion will be focused on the development of these intellectuals and student leaders in the initial period of Soeharto's New Order. LP3ES, or Social and Economic Research, Education, and Information Institute, was the most significant activity that was conducted by them. LP3ES saw the pesantren as a potential community development agent, and so there were numerous NU activists that emerged from within these social movements. Third, two young NUs in the 1970s, namely Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar F. Mas'udi will be focused. The familial, educational, and philosophical backgrounds of these two outstanding active intellectuals will be discussed as forerunners albeit untypical examples of changing traditional Muslims in Indonesia. How they met non-NU thoughts and ideas and how these reflect to their popular origin will be discussed. Fourth, the author will focus on a group of active intellectuals in Yogyakarta, which initiated social and philosophical activities and constructed an extensive network in the late 1990s. Finally, the author will conclude how young NU active intellectuals constructed their thoughts and activities through encountering non-traditional Islamic, Western and leftist ideas in the past few decades, and will briefly analyze their problem in the current post-Soeharto era.